Child Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation Essay

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the Study The Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography to the Convention on the Rights of the Child defines child prostitution as a commercial sexual exploitation of children whereby a child sells his or her body for sexual activities in return for remuneration or any other form of benefit provided to the prostitute or to another person (United Nations General Assembly, 2000). According to worldwide estimations by the International Labor Organization, out of the 12.3 million people victim to forced labor, 1.39 million are victims of commercial sexual exploitation, 40-50% of who are children (ILO, 2004). Nowadays, we have an increasing rate of child prostitution that is still considered as the worst form of child labor in Asia. UNICEF estimates that 1 million children are lured into sex trade in Asia every year. These children are exploited by local men and foreign tourists having an average of 5 to 10 clients per day, generating $5 billion per year wh erein 40% were sold by parents and 15% by their relatives (Willis, 2002). Japan and South Korea had been two of many Asian countries that currently face the problem of child prostitution. Together with its increasing trend, countries like Japan and Korea have been continually making its effort in solving this problem with a common goal in reducing and in a long run eliminate commercial sexual exploitation of children to protect their rights, welfare and create a better future for upcoming generations. 1.2 Statement of the Problem This study is a comparative analysis on child prostitution in Japan and South Korea. This will provide data on the causes and forms of child prostitution within these countries and the laws and protocols implemented in both countries to fight against child prostitution. Moreover, this paper gears to answer some core questions: 1. What are the primary causes of child prostitution in Japan and South Korea? 2. What are the different forms of child prostitution in Japan and South Korea? 3. What are the laws and protocols signed in solution to fight against child prostitution in Japan and South Korea? Was it able to address the problems regarding child prostitution? 1.3Significance of the Study This study will give way for the analysis in  the difference on the condition of child prostitution in Japan and South Korea. In addition to that this would be able to differentiate how Japan and South Korea face this common problem of child prostitution that in turn will lay an overview of the prevalent obstacle almost all of the countries is facing and battling nowadays. This would lead to the identification of several factors that makes child prostitution very prevalent these days that is very important to be able to address these issues to secure children’s rights and welfare. This would identify specific actions and efforts of the government in both countries to solve child prostitution issues in their respective places that would somehow extend some concern towards the identification of important factors that is needed to be considered in solving this particular dilemma not only in the studied places but also to other countries as well. This study aims to lay possible strategies that must be implemented in other countries to solve this current problem regarding child prostitution. 1.4 Scope and Limitations of the Study The researcher aspire to have a comparative analysis of child prostitution in Japan and South Korea as a requirement on Political Science 60- Introduction to Comparative Government and Politics under Prof. Marilou F. Siton-N anaman and the Department of Political Science, Mindanao State University-Institute of Technology. This paper limits its study within the countries mentioned and this study is set to answer the ahead mentioned core questions pertaining to both countries involved. The study underwent a month of data gathering using books, newspaper and reliable internet sources such as e-books. Online sources for data were primarily used. 1.5Conceptual FrameworkCHILD PROSTITUTION JAPAN SOUTH KOREA CAUSES CAUSES FORMS FORMS LAWS LAWS IMPLEMENTATION IMPLEMENTATION EFFECTS EFFECTS Figure 1 – Conceptual Diagram of Child Prostitution in Japan and South Korea  Child prostitution in countries like Japan and South Korea are caused by several major factors that make it more prevalent these days. In order to take action with the said dilemma, the identification of the forms of child prostitution is very vital in order to formulate and develop laws that would identify grounds and address cases that violate the rights of the children. Through proper implementation of these laws child prostitution are being reduced to secure children’s welfare and rights. 1.6 Operational Definition of Terms Prostitution- the act or practice of engaging in promiscuous sexual relations especially for money or other benefits  Remuneration- payment or compensation received for services or employment  Sexual Exploitation- the use of a child for sexual purposes in exchange for cash or in-kind favors between a customer, intermediary or agent and others who profit from the trade in children for these purposes—parent, family member, procurer, teacher Forced Labor- is any work or services which people are forced to do against their will under the threat of some form punishment. CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE In this chapter, related studies and previous works pertaining to child prostitution in countries that discusses relevant major information related  to the comparative study of Japan and South Korea are discussed. The demand for sex drives child sex trafficking globally, while poverty, domestic violence and abuse, discrimination and the desire for a better life make children vulnerable. Children are especially vulnerable to being trafficked because they are often poorly educated, easy to overpower and easy to convince that they must do what an adult tells them to do. Children may also be in a position where they believe they must help to support their families and may be sold or sent abroad by family members to do so. Street children, children in refugee camps, children whose family and community life has been disrupted and do not have someone to look out for them are all especially vulnerable to human trafficking and prone to sex labor (http://ecpat.net/EI/Publications/Trafficking/Factsheet_South_Korea.pdf) Date Accessed: October13, 2011. According to the study conducted by the International Labor Organization through its Action against Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation of Children Programs in Thailand, Philippines, Colombia , Costa Rica and Nicaragua in 2001 that poverty is one contributing factor to the sexual exploitation of children and that is an increasing reality in both Latin America and Asia (ILO_IPEC, 2001). A series of Asian economic crises in the closing years of the 20th century have had a clear impact on the numbers of children being exploited both for labor in general and sexual exploitation in particular. Children living or working on the streets, young domestic workers and child workers in sweatshops and transportation sector—all â€Å"placed† in these vulnerable situations as a multi-faceted response to poverty – are particularly vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation. In many countries including Thailand and Philippines, the movement of children from villages and rural areas to cities in the guise of earning money for the family is a major factor in trafficking and sexual exploitation (Thematic Evaluation on Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation of Children, 2001). ILO-IPEC research report of August 1999 indicated that there was an increase of 20 percent in the number of minors working in prostitution in Thailand between January 1998 and January 1999. This coincides with the aftermath of the economic crises in Thailand (International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour,2001). This report has already touched the importance of trying to develop  qualitative indicators and impact measures for the specific needs of evaluating trafficking and sex exploitation-related programming. Child prostitution and pornography is viewed as an increasing serious problem in Japan. Shihoko Fujiwara, representative of Polaris Project Japan, a nonprofit organization that provides support to children and women who are victims of sexual abuse and trafficking, stated that child pornography and child prostitution cases detected in Japan exceeds 5,000 annually, and the number is rising year by year. â€Å"One of the reasons for the increase,† she said, â€Å"is that a growing number of children have become involved in the business through the widespread use of the Internet† (Shimbun, 2010). In 1998, Interpol estimated that nearly 80% of the world’s Internet-based child pornography websites originated in Japan. Although the Japanese government passed legislation in 1999 that effectively cracked down on child pornography providers, Japan continues to be a major producer and patron of child sex tourism. In a recent press conference to announce the release of the State Department’s annual Trafficking in Persons Report which analyzes human trafficking worldwide and documents governments’ responses to it, Secretary of State Colin Powell and Director John Miller both expressed their particular disappointment with Japan – a country which, despite the immense resources available to it, was failing to take appropriate steps to end child sex tourism and other forms of human exploitation. As one of the largest economies in the world, Director Miller censured, Japan’s lackluster response is impermissible: â€Å"Japan does not comply with the minimum standards. We believe that there has been a tremendous gap in Japan that has a huge problem with slavery — particularly sex slavery — a tremendous gap between the size of the problem and the resources and efforts devoted to addressing the problem (Jordan,2004).† The Trafficking in Persons Report of 2010 indicates that the men of South Korea create demand for child sex tourism in their surrounding countries. Technology such as the internet has helped increase accessibility of child sex tourism in the Republic of Korea. Some South Korean men arrange for children from the Philippines, Thailand, and China as sources of sex (Trafficking in Persons Report, 2010). Prostitution in South Korea is a strictly controlled illegal industry, but according to The Korea Women’s  development Institute, th e sex trade in Korea was estimated to amount to 14 trillion Korean won ($13 billion) in 2007, roughly 1.6 percent of the nation’sgross domestic product. The number of prostitutes dropped by 18 percent to 269,000 during the same period. The sex trade involved some 94 million transactions in 2007, down from 170 million in 2002. The amount of money traded for prostitution was over 14 trillion won, much less than 24 trillion won in 2002 (Prostitution in South Korea, 2010). In 2003, the Korean Institute of Criminology announced that 260,000 women, or 1 of 25 of young Korean women, may be engaged in the sex industry. However, the Korean Feminist Association alleged that from 514,000 to 1.2 million Korean women participate in the prostitution industry. In addition, a similar report by the Institute noted that 20% of men in their 20s pay for sex at least four times a month, with 358,000 visiting prostitutes daily (Stiephensoun, 2010). CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY This chapter summarizes and explains the methods used in the research which includes its design, setting and treatment of data.  3.1Research Design The research design used for this study is the descriptive-comparative design. The researcher employed a descriptive type of research using books and reliable online sources. This paper also employs a comparative analysis between the two countries being studied. 3.2Research Setting This comparative analysis study focuses in two countries namely: Japan and South Korea. Both countries are located in Asia. The two countries have certain distinction in economic status but both are considered as two of the countries in Asia that has a high rate of child prostitution. Japan is an island country in East Asia. Located in the Pacific Ocean, it lies to the east of the Sea of Japan, People’s Republic of China, North Korea, South Korea and Russia, stretching from the Sea of Okhotsk in the north to the East China Sea and Taiwan in the south. The country is of 6,852 islands. The four largest islands are HonshÃ… «, HokkaidÃ… , KyÃ… «shÃ… « and Shikoku. Japan has the world’s tenth-largest population, with about 127 million people. South Korea is located on the southern half of the Korean peninsula and lies in a temperate climate region with a predominantly mountainous terrain. It is neighbor to China to the west, Japan to the east and North Korea to the north. Its capital, Seoul, is the second largest metropolitan city in the world. South Korea has a population of over 48 million, making it the third most densely populated country in the world after Bangladesh and Taiwan. 3.3 Data Gathering Procedures The method used in data gathering was mainly book searching and online surfing. The data being gathered by the researcher are books with ISBN, books in PDF form with an author and websites form the internet, published on 2000-2011. Research was done from the month of July 2011-August 2012. 3.4 Treatment of Data The researcher purely gathered data from printed books, pdfs, e-books and online source. This research paper is a comparative study, has a qualitative presentation of data and descriptive type of analysis. CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS This chapter will discuss the condition of child prostitution problem in Japan and South Korea, identify and differentiate the strategies they are using to address and solve this problem. Furthermore, this chapter attempts to stress some analysis on child prostitution of the ahead mentioned countries. The discussions will be classified according to certain topics. 4.1Primary Causes of Child prostitution The principal cause of child prostitution is poverty, however extreme poverty isn’t a reason in itself, it operates in function of the imposition of other factors such as; economic, social and ethnic despair, discrimination against women and girls, massive urbanization, disintegration of the family and of traditional community systems, ignorance on the part of the majority of parents, commercialization of the status of individuals and more (How to fight the prostitution of minors, 2001). Japan, known to be one of the most developed  countries is a destination place for traffi cking women and children for sexual purposes. Children from Latin America, Eastern Europe and Southeast Asia, in particular Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand are being transported to Japan to work as sex slaves (http://www.humantrafficking.org/countries/japan) July 29,2011. In the other side, South Korea has also become a source, transit and destination country for women trafficked for sexual purposes from China, the Philippines, Russia and Thailand; it also experiences internal trafficking of Korean children. South Korean children are trafficked for commercial sexual exploitation in the United States, Japan, Hong Kong, Guam, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and Western Europe (Lee, 2005). Poverty is being identified as one of the major factors of child prostitution between countries. Japan and South Korea, both being considered as developed countries was more of being receiving regions in terms of child prostitution. Children mainly females mostly from neighboring developing countries such as Thailand, Philippines, Malaysia and etc. are being brought to Japan to work in different entertainment bars. A very common factor other than poverty that makes child prostitution prevalent nowadays is the presence of internet which is very accessible anywhere and anytime. Thousand of sites catering sexual services from women and children are found to be growing rapidly creating a very harmful dynamic industry that contributes to the big problem both countries are facing. 4.2Different Forms of Child prostitution In Japan, matchmaking or dating websites have become a well-known channel for commercial sexual exploitation of children in Japan. Many underage Japanese schoolgirls fall prey to ‘enjokosai’ (‘compensated dating’) by using ‘deaikei’ websites: through which they can make their contact details available, and use pagers, computers and mobile phones to arrange ‘dates’ with customers who are older and often married. Research has shown that many such girls do not engage in ‘enjokosai’ out of poverty, but rather to be able to purchase brand name clothes, bags, shoes, mobile phones, etc., which, according to them, boosts their self-esteem. They often come from dysfunctional families or experience problems at school (Liddy,2006). The form of child prostitution in Japan differs from that found in other East Asian countries since poverty is not  only the overriding factor. Child pornography is a notable problem. Japan is the most biggest producer of pornography in the world and the Parliament had refused a law banning the production of child pornography, citing â€Å"business reasons† (Antaseeda,1998). According to the Asia Pacific Trafficking in Women and Prostitution in Asia in 1996 the sex industry accounts for 1% of the Gross National Product and equals the defense budget in Japan. If matchmaking and pornographic websites are proven to be popular in Japan, in South Korea Saunas and Tea Houses are the main places of child prostitution. Serious intention to solve child prostitution should have banned all the pornographic sites and matchmaking dating sites long time ago. Conducting symposiums to teachers and parents in order to monitor the daily internet content their child or student had been grasping is a must. They could filter those sites with sexually suggestive content. Entertainment bars, saunas and tea houses that cater sex trade should be raided regularly by assigned proper government agencies. The biggest problem is that the business men that run this sex trade around the country are also the people behind the powerful illegal groups within Japan and South Korea. Even regular government police should be active enough to know and act when they notice something illegal going on when they do rounds on places at night. There are many ways to solve child prostitution; it just has to entail sincerity in implementation and consistency in acting against the problem. 4.3Laws and Protocols to fight Child prostitution In Japan, Law Punishing Acts Related to Child Prostitution and Child Pornography, and for Protecting Children and its Supplementary Provision, 1999, 90 revised in 2004.Articles 4 to 7 punish acts related to child prostitution and child pornography. Trafficking of children for prostitution or pornography is punished under Article 8 with one to ten years’ imprisonment (Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation in Japan,1999). In 2006, the Internet Association Japan, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, the National Police Agency and information technology (IT) experts collaborated to draft guidelines on operating a hotline. The Internet Hotline Centre provides the public the opportunity to report illegal or harmful information found on the internet (Internet Association Japan, 2006). Japanese law now prohibits engaging in, facilitating, and/or soliciting the prostitution of a child; consistent with international law, a child is defined as a person under 18 years o f age.(Law on Punishing Acts related to Child Prostitution and Child Pornography, and on Protecting Children, 1999). According to the 2003 Deai Kei Site Regulation Law,40 minors are prohibited from accessing ‘deai-kei’ websites (matchmaking websites that facilitate prostitution of children), however no penalties apply. The adults who send communications for this purpose are fined, up to one million yen (approx. US$8,550). Children are usually referred to a Family Court for counselling and protective measures, according to the provisions of the Juvenile Law. After the Deai Kei Site Regulation Law was enacted, access to the ‘deai-kei’ websites and obvious calls for compensated dating, especially those made by children, were drastically reduced for a while; but more disguised soliciting calls have appeared since (Ikemura,2005). A Cybercrime Task Force division was established in 2004 to improve action against online child pornography and online crime. Working in cooperation with the Office for Juvenile Protection, the Task Force acts as the contact point for international cooperation, advises the local police on investigations, prepares draft laws/amendments and policies on information technologies security and raises public awareness on the issue (National Police Agency of Japan,2005). In Korea, child protection issues are handled by the National Youth Commission, which has set up a number of committees to coordinate action against CSEC( Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children), comprising both government agencies and NGOs. An example is the Committee on Combating the Sexual Exploitation of Children. In South Korea, many NGOs working on children’s rights rely on state funding to operate and their financial dependence on the government has prevented them from engaging in a more critical dialogue regarding the actions that need to be taken. In 2004, The South Korean government passed an anti-prostitution law, prohibition of prostitution in South Korea, made it illegal to buy or sell women. South Korea brought in a tough anti-prostitution law in 2004, punishing clients with fines and throwing pimps in prison. In 2007, courts prosecuted 35,000 clients, 2.5 times higher than the number of those who were caught buying sex in 2003 (Stiephensoun, 2010). South Korea developed a National Plan of Action on  Children, which is part of the Five-Year Social and Economic Development Plan (1998–2002)12 and the Five-Year Basic Plan forYouth Protection (2002–2006), which tackles crimes against children, including commercial sexual exploitation(National Youth Commission,2005). In March 2004, the Task Force for the Elimination of Prostitution completed the Sex Trafficking Prevention Plan, which includes measures to protect the rights of victims of forced prostitution and to tackle, through various routes, the facilitation of prostitution (for instance, through the use of the Internet and mobile phones). The Task Force introduced the‘John School’ system, where men who have solicited prostitutes (or are suspected of having done so) participate in rehabilitation programmes instead of receiving a criminal sentence (Jeong, Bong-Hyup,2005). The Illegal and Harmful Contents Report Centre – an independent legal institution that deliberates on reported illegal and harmful Internet content – cooperates with the National Police Agency, National Youth Commission, NGOs, Internet service providers and foreign organizations (Internet 119 Website, 2005). The Republic of Korea ratified the Act on Protection of Youth from Sexual Exploitation. This law defines â€Å"youth exploited obscene materials† as forms of pictures, such as film images, video, computer, or other communications media â€Å"with the appearance of youth,† and including sexual acts (The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,2006) Both countries have successfully formulated series of laws and protocols in order to act against rampant child prostitution. Japan and South Korea together with its government and non-governmental offices conducted successful conferences in order to draft laws that would possibly cure the problem on child prostitution. Looking into the deeper perspective, identifying the problem and formulating a plan on how to solve a certain social and economic issue are only the first steps to the real fight against child prostitution. Even a particular country formulated thousands of polices for a social or economic problem, if none of those polices or laws was implemented in an effective way then it would waste the whole effort laid to create those policies. Hence, the success of formulated laws depends not on the number of laws being formulated but on how it is truly and effectively implemented and the effects on those policies in a certain  country or society. Japan made its serious efforts of trying to eradicate child prostitution by raising public awareness by having symposiums and local and international conferences. Japan shared information and developed practical regional measures through the Bali Process, and hosted â€Å"The International Symposium on Measures to Prevent the Commercial and Sexual Exploitation of Children in Southeast Asia† in 2003 and many more. Japan integrated international cooperation by supporting projects under the United Nations that includes having such interagency collaborations and institutional arrangements with government organizations like the National Police Agency and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in conducting investigations and took administrative measures for them to more effectively trac e illegal groups that runs bars and entertainment businesses on child prostitution. Japan also stressed out the protection of child prostitution victims by conducting a specific program which gives them shelter and protection. Government organizations contact private shelter to cater the needs of the victims and the government communicates with the country and return these victims to safe return in their respective areas (Paredes-Maceda,2006). By the end of 2008, the Government of Japan had demonstrated increasing commitment to take effective action against trafficking and child prostitution in Japan as a destination country. A watershed was the adoption in December 2008 of the National Plan of Action against Trafficking and Child prostitution. Other announced measures, including the tightening of visa controls and support for the repatriation of victims, may also lead to more controls against trafficking and child prostitution and to improved protection and rehabilitation of victims in their countries of origin (Jordan,2008). According to the CATW Fact Book, Kyodo News in 1998 trafficking and child prostitution laws exist but not enforced. In South Korea, government and non-government organizations as well went hand in hand in banning as much as possible all the pornographic sites. Even sites with suggestive content were banned. Though as recently as 2001 the government received low marks on the issue, in recent years the government has made significant strides in its enforcement efforts. Child trafficking was outlawed and penalties for prostitution increased; the 2004 Act on the Prevention of the Sex Trade and Protection of its Victims was passed,  toughening penalties for traffickers, ending deportation of victims, and establishing a number of shelters for victims. As of 2005, there were 144 people serving jail time for human trafficking (Scofield, 2004). Japan and Korea extended its efforts in solving child prostitution by collaborating through international organizations like the United Nations, as well as local governmental and nongovernmental agencies, but there had been a great discrepancy in the number of arrested individuals compared to the number of people that truly engages to the sex industry. The number of people that engages to child prostitution in Japan alone from entertainment bars, matchmaking websites to porn sites are counted as more than a hundred thousand employers with illegal child victims yet the number of individuals that are caught every year was only a little more than a hundred often times little less than a hundred, that also goes in Korea, there are a lot of people that is involve in child prostitution but the number of imprisoned employers are far little compared to the original number of involve individuals in child prostitution. In addition to that, as mentioned above Japan may have formulated laws and policies but it is rather suggested than imposed. It means whether the citizens follow or not the said law they wouldn’t be directly responsible for it, thus, the laws wouldn’t serve its ultimate purpose on solving the problem of child prostitution. Based on the gathered data, the two countries differed on the level of how they implement laws. Korea is observed to be more empowered and strict in implementing laws against child prostitution. Meanwhile, Japan also considers a lot of factors in implementing the laws. Japan is known to promote more the idea of growing population in solution to its current trend of decreasing population within years. Hence, as a realization we must take into consideration first wider contributing factors on looking how a country face and manage certain problems. Both countries successfully decreased the rate of child prostitution within years with its respective programs and policies. They have enforced laws and strategies that is designed not only to solve a particular problem but also to consider other related factors. CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.1CONCLUSIONS As shown by the data and information gathered, it shows that the main root of child prostitution in Japan and South Korea is poverty that leads to unavailability of quality education for children and the urge to work in order to provide their own families daily income for basic necessities in everyday living. In both countries, Japan and South Korea, children were taken from different countries like Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Russia, China and other countries to work on the sex trade industry. Most of them are illegally trafficked from different neighboring countries in order to seek work. The wide use of internet also is a considered as a growing concern in dealing with child prostitution. There are different forms of child prostitution; from pornographic sites and matchmaking sites, child pornography, exploitation through saunas, tea houses and entertainment bars. In Japan and South Korea, there are a lot of laws formulated and signed in order to battle against the problem re garding child prostitution. Governments collaborated with international organizations such as the United Nations as well as nongovernmental and governmental local offices to effectively implement the laws created that would solve the problem regarding child prostitution. Japan and South Korea differs on the level on implementation on their policies. In Japan, the formulated laws are more suggested than imposed; while in South Korea they observe stricter rules and limitations entailed with higher penalties and responsibilities. Since South Korea was able to more effectively implement their policies compared to Japan their rate for child prostitution through years is going lower than of Japan. It might not solve immediately the problem regarding child prostitution but both countries had been successful in lowering their rates in child prostitution. Looking into the deeper perspective, efforts to eliminate child prostitution must entail proper implementation and assessment to provide an accurate picture of the situation so that effective policies and programs can be developed and appropriate solutions be enforced. In the other side, eliminating child prostitution may not solve the problem but may also lead to a more big dilemma as children may transfer to other activities that are just as harmful or perhaps more harmful work condition in order to still seek ways for living to be able to provide their own families basic necessities. 5.2Recommendations Having known through this study that proper implementation of laws plays a big role for a success  of a policy. The researcher would like to open some points for further study regarding with more appropriate laws be formulated in order to protect the interests and welfare of poor children who are always the victim of sex labor and also give way for a better procedure and methods in implementing such formulated laws for it to serve its ultimate purpose and since poverty is seen in this study as the primary cause of child prostitution the researcher would like to further suggest of creating or formulating programs in where the children or the youth would be appropriately given the equal chance to be given quality education for them to be informed with their own rights to avoid abuse. They should implement enforcement to continue to improve efforts against child trafficking, especially to strengthen their ability to identify child victims of trafficking in sexual exploitation and ensure investigation and prosecution of traffickers. Provide training to law enforcement, prosecutors and judges on th e issue of commercial sexual exploitation. Hence, there would be a need to conduct further researches on child trafficking for sexual purposes to identify the scope of the problem, current trends and provide information on traffickers and at-risk groups or victims – this information will strengthen prevention and awareness. In addition, data collected should be disaggregated between children and adults and must include information on the child’s age, nationality and possible background information. The Agenda for Action against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children provides a detailed framework and categories of actions to be taken by governments in partnership with civil society organizations and other relevant actors for combating commercial sexual crimes against children. Broadly, these actions are focused on: 1) Coordination and Cooperation; 2) Prevention; 3) Protection; 4) Recovery, Rehabilitation and Reintegration; and 5) Child Participation. The Agenda for Action is thus the formal and guiding structure used by governments that have adopted it and committed to work against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (National Women’s Education Centre, 2005). Consequently, child prostitution may be reduced if there would be changes in economic development that would raise family incomes and living standards, every state as much as possible must provide widespread, affordable, required and relevant education, formulation and proper implementation of anti- child prostitution laws and most of all the need to change the public attitude  toward children that would elevate the view on the importance of educating the youth and giving also the importance of their individual rights for future generations to come.

Benefits Of Multinational Corporations Essay

Like any other multinational corporation, Acme Motors have been coupled with various economic implications and benefits to the foreign countries in which it operates. Acme is a motor vehicle company headquartered in Nuevo Laredo but performing other international business in Mexico, Spain and other countries. In the foreign countries, it has been involved in the manufacturing of motor vehicle engines above their assembly to complete vehicles. The performance of the company is usually fed by a number of comparative advantages which are implied by its operational capacity. Generally, the large scale capacity of the company has been a major advantage which the company uses to create economics of scale in its operational system through its broad endowed portfolio of technology. It has been able to successfully compete in the foreign international market which is highly competitive. The company has various artistic and management tools that help to impair the effects of foreign business culture which may lead to operational failures. It has a wide management support which compound the tools of research into the broad market and political risks operating in the foreign market which may bring operational losses. Either it has also used the tools of mergers and acquisitions to help prevent the negative impacts of foreign market infestations. (Skene, 1992) However, the operational portfolio of the company has been faced by the challenges of negative externalities of environmental pollution and degradation in the host countries. Basically, the industrial nature of the company compounds various environmental degrading facets which include resource over exploitation emission to the air pollution, water pollution and the general socio-economic implications which are of negative external capacity. However, the problem of environmental pollution and degradation to the company allies to been a fatal problem which has even called for various statutory control programs both by the company and the state government. Usually the tool of increasing taxation has been a subjective implication which has helped the company to change its industrial characteristics. Through higher cost levies by such foreign governments, the company has changed its industrial technology to more environmental friendly methods which cause less pollution. Generally, through such taxes, the government has then compensated the society for such environmental pollutions above supplying various public goods which benefit the people. (Wray, 1997) To the company, the tools for control of environmental degradation have posited various cost implications both in the short run and in the long run. Since the system for implementing environmental control has been achieved through change in modifying operation to capture more friendly methods, this has however been costly. Higher cost has had a negative implication to increases in the cost in the short run. However, increases in cost have been ransomed through the use of proper management tools which ensure a well balanced business management conceptions which continue to provide the company competitively advantages in the market. However, the long run cost has been reduced through higher sells achievements from the active product support from the environmental friendly consumers. (Snowdon, Vane, 1997) Generally, as an important tool, the environmental aspect is an important tool which the company and any other should apply in the international portfolio. The cost of environmental degradation is costly and would perhaps outweigh the benefit cost relationship which provides grounds for competitive advantage at the market. Either, it is important in safeguarding the broad interest of the society with which the manufacturing (industrial) activity is allied to. Reference Skene, G, (1992) Cycles of inflation and Deflation: Money, Debt at the 1920’s. Westport CT: Praeger. Snowdon, B & Vane, H, (1997) A Macroeconomic Reader. London; Rout ledge. Underwood D, (2004) Principle of Macroeconomics; Toward a Multiparadigmatic approach. Journal Economic issues, Vol. 38. Wray, L (1997) Kenneth Bouding’s Reconstruction of Macroeconomics. Review of social economy, Vol. 55.

Last Sacrifice Chapter Thirty-five

I WISHED LISSA HAD â€Å"needed' me to go take out an army of Strigoi. I would have felt more comfortable with that than what she needed to do now: meet with Jill to discuss the coronation. Lissa wanted me there for support, as a kind of go-between. I wasn't able to walk that well yet, so we waited another day. Lissa seemed glad for the delay. Jill was waiting for us in a small room I'd never expected to see again: the parlor where Tatiana had berated me for moving in on Adrian. It had been a pretty bizarre experience at the time, seeing as Adrian and I hadn't actually been involved back then. Now, after everything that had occurred between him and me, it just felt †¦ strange. Confusing. I still didn't know what had happened to him since Tasha's arrest. Walking in there, I also felt terribly †¦ alone. No, not alone. Uninformed. Vulnerable. Jill sat in a chair, her hands folded in her lap. She stared straight ahead with an unreadable face. Beside me, Lissa's own features were equally blank. She felt †¦ well, that was the thing. I didn't know. I didn't know. I mean, I could tell she was uncomfortable, but there were no thoughts in my head to tip me off. I had no specifics. Again, I reminded myself that the rest of the world worked like this. You functioned alone. You did your best to manage strange situations without the magical insight of another person. I'd never realized how much I'd taken the thoughts of even just one other person for granted. The one thing I felt sure of was that both Lissa and Jill were freaked out by each other–but not by me. That was why I was here. â€Å"Hey, Jill,' I said, smiling. â€Å"How are you?' She snapped out of whatever thoughts had been occupying her and jumped up from the chair. I thought that was strange, but then it made sense. Lissa. You rose when a queen entered the room. â€Å"It's okay,' said Lissa, stumbling over her words a little. â€Å"Sit.' She took a seat opposite Jill. It was the biggest chair in the room–the one Tatiana had always sat in. Jill hesitated a moment, then shifted her gaze back to me. I must have provided some encouragement because she returned to her chair. I sat in one beside Lissa, wincing as a small pain tightened in my chest. Worry for me momentarily distracted Jill from Lissa. â€Å"How are you feeling? Are you okay? Should you even be out of bed?' The cute, rambling nature. I was glad to see it again. â€Å"Fine,' I lied. â€Å"Good as new.' â€Å"I was worried. When I saw what happened †¦ I mean, there was so much blood and so much craziness and no one knew if you'd pull through †¦' Jill frowned. â€Å"I don't know. It was all so scary. I'm so glad you're okay.' I kept smiling, hoping to reassure her. Silence fell then. The room grew tense. In political situations, Lissa was the expert, always able to smooth everything over with the right words. I was the one who spoke up in uncomfortable scenarios, saying the things that shocked others. The things no one wanted to hear. This situation seemed like one that required her diplomacy, but I knew it was on me to take charge. â€Å"Jill,' I said, â€Å"we wanted to know if you'd be willing to, well, take part in the coronation ceremony.' Jill's eyes flicked briefly to Lissa–still stone-faced–and then back to me. â€Å"What does â€Å"take part' mean, exactly? What would I have to do?' â€Å"Nothing hard,' I assured her. â€Å"It's just some formalities that are usually done by family members. Ceremonial stuff. Like you did with the vote.' I hadn't witnessed that, but Jill had apparently only had to stand by Lissa's side to show family strength. Such a small thing for a law to hinge on. â€Å"Mostly, it's about being on display and putting on a good face.' â€Å"Well,' mused Jill, â€Å"I've been doing that for most of this week.' â€Å"I've been doing it for most of my life,' said Lissa. Jill looked startled. Again, I felt at a loss without the bond. Lissa's tone hadn't made her meaning clear. Was it a challenge to Jill–that the girl hadn't faced nearly what Lissa had? Or was it supposed to be sympathy for Jill's lack of experience? â€Å"You'll †¦ you'll get used to it,' I said. â€Å"Over time.' Jill shook her head, a small and bitter smile on her face. â€Å"I don't know about that.' I didn't either. I wasn't sure how one handled the kind of situation she'd been dropped into. My mind rapidly ran through a list of more meaningless, kind things I could say, but Lissa finally took over. â€Å"I know how weird this is,' she said. She determinedly met Jill's green eyes–the only feature the sisters shared, I decided. Jill had the makings of a future Emily. Lissa carried a mix of her parents' traits. â€Å"This is weird for me too. I don't know what to do.' â€Å"What do you want?' asked Jill quietly. I heard the real question. Jill wanted to know if Lissa wanted her. Lissa had been devastated by the death of her brother †¦ but a surprise illegitimate sibling was no substitute for Andre. I tried to imagine what it would be like to be in either girl's place. I tried and failed. â€Å"I don't know,' admitted Lissa. â€Å"I don't know what I want.' Jill nodded, dropping her gaze, but not before I caught sight of the emotion playing across her face. Disappointment–yet, Lissa's answer hadn't entirely been unexpected. Jill asked the next best thing. â€Å"Do you want †¦ do you want me to be in the ceremonies?' The question hung in the air. It was a good one. It was the reason we'd come here, but did Lissa actually want this? Studying her, I still wasn't sure. I didn't know if she was just following protocol, trying to get Jill to play a role expected among royalty. In this case, there was no law that said Jill had to do anything. She simply had to exist. â€Å"Yes,' said Lissa at last. I heard the truth in her words, and something inside of me lightened. Lissa didn't just want Jill for the sake of image. A part of Lissa wanted Jill in her life–but managing that would be difficult. Still, it was a start, and Jill seemed to recognize that. â€Å"Okay,' she said. â€Å"Just tell me what I need to do.' It occurred to me that Jill's youth and nervousness were deceptive. There were sparks of bravery and boldness within her, sparks that I felt certain would grow. She really was a Dragomir. Lissa looked relieved, but I think it was because she'd made a tiny step of progress with her sister. It had nothing to do with the coronation. â€Å"Someone else will explain it all. I'm not really sure what you do, to be honest. But Rose is right. It won't be hard.' Jill simply nodded. â€Å"Thank you,' said Lissa. She stood up, and both Jill and I rose with her. â€Å"I †¦ I really appreciate it.' That awkwardness returned as the three of us stood there. It would have been a good moment for the sisters to hug, but even though both seemed pleased at their progress, neither was ready for that. When Lissa looked at Jill, she still saw her father with another woman. When Jill looked at Lissa, she saw her life completely turned upside down–a life once shy and private now out there for the world to gawk at. I couldn't change her fate, but hugging I could do. Heedless of my stitches, I put my arms around the young girl. â€Å"Thanks,' I said, echoing Lissa. â€Å"This'll all be okay. You'll see.' Jill nodded yet again, and with no more to discuss, Lissa and I moved toward the door. Jill's voice brought us to a halt. â€Å"Hey †¦ what happens after the coronation? To me? To us?' I glanced at Lissa. Another good question. Lissa turned toward Jill but still wasn't making direct eye contact. â€Å"We'll †¦ we'll get to know each other. Things'll get better.' The smile that appeared on Jill's face was genuine–small, but genuine. â€Å"Okay,' she said. There was hope in that smile too. Hope and relief. â€Å"I'd like that.' As for me, I had to hide a frown. I apparently could function without the bond because I could tell, with absolute confidence, that Lissa wasn't exactly giving the whole truth. What wasn't she telling Jill? Lissa did want things to be better, I was certain, even if she wasn't sure how. But there was something †¦ something small that Lissa wasn't revealing to either of us, something that made me think Lissa didn't actually believe things would improve. Out of nowhere, a strange echo from Victor Dashkov rang through my mind about Jill. If she has any sense, Vasilisa will send her away. I didn't know why I remembered that, but it sent a chill through me. The sisters were both mustering smiles, and I hastily did as well, not wanting either to know my concerns. Lissa and I left after that, heading back toward my room. My little outing had been more tiring than I expected, and as much as I hated to admit it, I couldn't wait to lie down again. When we reached my room, I still hadn't decided if I should ask Lissa about Jill or wait to get Dimitri's opinion. The decision was taken from me when we found an unexpected visitor waiting: Adrian. He sat on my bed, head tipped back as though he was completely consumed by studying the ceiling. I knew better. He'd known the instant we approached–or at least when Lissa approached. We stopped in the doorway, and he finally turned toward us. He looked like he hadn't slept in a while. Dark shadows hung under his eyes, and his cute face was hardened with lines of fatigue. Whether it was mental or physical fatigue, I couldn't say. Nonetheless, his lazy smile was the same as ever. â€Å"Your majesty,' he said grandly. â€Å"Stop,' scoffed Lissa. â€Å"You should know better.' â€Å"I've never known better,' he countered. â€Å"You should know that.' I saw Lissa start to smile; then she glanced at me and grew serious, realizing this was hardly let's-have-fun-with-Adrian time. â€Å"Well,' she said uneasily, not looking very queenly at all. â€Å"I've got some things to do.' She was going to bolt, I realized. I'd gone with her for her family chat, but she was going to abandon me now. Just as well, though. This conversation with Adrian had been inevitable, and I'd brought it on myself. I had to finish this on my own, just as I'd told Dimitri. â€Å"I'm sure you do,' I said. Her face turned hesitant, as though she was suddenly reconsidering. She felt guilty. She was worried about me and wanted to stand by me. I lightly touched her arm. â€Å"It's okay, Liss. I'll be okay. Go.' She squeezed my hand in return, her eyes wishing me good luck. She told Adrian goodbye and left, closing the door behind her. It was just him and me now. He stayed on my bed, watching me carefully. He still wore the smile he'd given Lissa, like this was no big deal. I knew otherwise and made no attempts to hide my feelings. Standing still made me tired, so I sat down in a nearby chair, nervously wondering what to say. â€Å"Adrian–‘ â€Å"Let's start with this, little dhampir,' he said cordially. â€Å"Was it going on before you left Court?' It took me a moment to follow that abrupt Adrian conversation format. He was asking if Dimitri and I had gotten back together before my arrest. I shook my head slowly. â€Å"No. I was with you. Just you.' True, I'd been a mess of emotions, but my intentions had been firm. â€Å"Well. That's something,' he said. Some of his pleasantness was starting to slip. I smelled it then, ever so faintly: alcohol and smoke. â€Å"Better some rekindling of sparks in the heat of battle or quest or whatever than you cheating right in front of me.' I shook my head more urgently now. â€Å"No, I swear. I didn't–nothing happened then †¦ not until–‘ I hesitated on how to phrase my next words. â€Å"Later?' he guessed. â€Å"Which makes it okay? â€Å"No! Of course not. I †¦' Damn it. I'd screwed up. Just because I hadn't cheated on Adrian at Court didn't mean that I hadn't cheated on him later. You could phrase it however you wanted, but let's face it: sleeping with another guy in a hotel room was pretty much cheating if you had a boyfriend. It didn't matter if that guy was the love of your life or not. â€Å"I'm sorry,' I said. It was the simplest and most appropriate thing I could say. â€Å"I'm sorry. What I did was wrong. I didn't mean for it to happen. I thought †¦ I really thought he and I were done. I was with you. I wanted to be with you. And then, I realized that–‘ â€Å"No, no–stop.' Adrian held up a hand, his voice tight now as his cool facade continued to crumble. â€Å"I really do not want to hear about the great revelation you had about how you guys were always meant to be together or whatever it was.' I stayed silent because, well, that kind of had been my revelation. Adrian ran a hand through his hair. â€Å"Really, it's my fault. It was there. A hundred times there. How often did I see it? I knew. It kept happening. Over and over, you'd say you were through with him †¦ and over and over, I'd believe it †¦ no matter what my eyes showed me. No matter what my heart told me. My. Fault.' It was that slightly unhinged rambling–not that nervous kind of Jill's, but the unstable kind that worried me about how close he was getting to the edge of insanity. An edge I might very well be pushing him toward. I wanted to go over to him but had the sense to stay seated. â€Å"Adrian, I–‘ â€Å"I loved you!' he yelled. He jumped up out of his chair so quickly I never saw it coming. â€Å"I loved you, and you destroyed me. You took my heart and ripped it up. You might as well have staked me!' The change in his features also caught me by surprise. His voice filled the room. So much grief, so much anger. So unlike the usual Adrian. He strode toward me, hand clasped over his chest. â€Å"I. Loved. You. And you used me the whole time.' â€Å"No, no. It's not true.' I wasn't afraid of Adrian, but in the face of that emotion, I found myself cringing. â€Å"I wasn't using you. I loved you. I still do, but–‘ He looked disgusted. â€Å"Rose, come on.' â€Å"I mean it! I do love you.' Now I stood up, pain or no, trying to look him in the eye. â€Å"I always will, but we're not †¦ I don't think we work as a couple.' â€Å"That's a bullshit breakup line, and you know it.' He was kind of right, but I thought back to moments with Dimitri †¦ how well we worked in sync, how he always seemed to get exactly what I felt. I meant what I'd said: I did love Adrian. He was wonderful, in spite of all his flaws. Because, really, who didn't have flaws? He and I had fun together. There was affection, but we weren't matched in the way Dimitri and I were. â€Å"I'm not †¦ I'm not the one for you,' I said weakly. â€Å"Because you're with another guy?' â€Å"No, Adrian. Because †¦ I don't. I don't know. I don't †¦' I was fumbling, badly. I didn't know how to explain what I felt, how you could care about someone and love hanging out with them–but still not work as a couple. â€Å"I don't balance you like you need.' â€Å"What the hell does that mean?' he exclaimed. My heart ached for him, and I was so sorry for what I'd done †¦ but this was the truth of it all. â€Å"The fact that you have to ask says it all. When you find that person †¦ you'll know.' I didn't add that with his history, he'd probably have a number of false starts before finding that person. â€Å"And I know this sounds like another bullshit breakup line, but I really would like to be your friend.' He stared at me for several heavy seconds and then laughed–though there wasn't much humor in it. â€Å"You know what's great? You're serious. Look at your face.' He gestured, as though I actually could examine myself. â€Å"You really think it's that easy, that I can sit here and watch your happy ending. That I can watch you getting everything you want as you lead your charmed life.' â€Å"Charmed!' The guilt and sympathy warring within me got a little kick of anger. â€Å"Hardly. Do you know what I've gone through in the last year?' I'd watched Mason die, fought in the St. Vladimir's attack, been captured by Strigoi in Russia, and then lived on the run as a wanted murderess. That didn't sound charmed at all. â€Å"And yet, here you are, triumphant after it all. You survived death and freed yourself from the bond. Lissa's queen. You got the guy and your happily ever after.' I turned my back to him and stalked away. â€Å"Adrian, what do you want me to say? I can apologize forever, but there's nothing else I can do here. I never wanted to hurt you; I can't say that enough. But the rest? Do you really expect me to be sad about everything else having worked out? Should I wish I was still I was accused of murder?' â€Å"No,' he said. â€Å"I don't want you to suffer. Much. But the next time you're in bed with Belikov, stop a moment and remember that not everyone made out as well as you did.' I turned back to face him. â€Å"Adrian, I never–‘ â€Å"Not just me, little dhampir,' he added quietly. â€Å"There's been a lot of collateral damage along the way while you battled against the world. I was a victim, obviously. But what about Jill? What happens to her now that you've abandoned her to the royal wolves? And Eddie? Have you thought about him? And where's your Alchemist?' Every word he slung at me was an arrow, piercing my heart more than the bullets had. The fact that he'd referred to Jill by her name instead of â€Å"Jailbait' carried an extra hurt. I was already toting plenty of guilt about her, but the others †¦ well, they were a mystery. I'd heard rumors about Eddie but hadn't seen him since my return. He was clear of James's death, but killing a Moroi–when others still thought he might have been brought in alive–carried a heavy stigma. Eddie's previous insubordination– thanks to me–also damned him, even if it had all been for â€Å"the greater good.' As queen, Lissa could only do so much. The guardians served the Moroi, but it was customary for the Moroi to step back and let the guardians manage their own people. Eddie wasn't being dismissed or imprisoned †¦ but what assignment would they give him? Hard to say. Sydney †¦ she was an even greater mystery. Where's your Alchemist? The goings- on of that group were beyond me, beyond my world. I remembered her face that last time I'd seen her, back in the hotel–strong but sad. I knew she and the other Alchemists had been released since then, but her expression had said she wasn't out of trouble yet. And Victor Dashkov? Where did he fit in? I wasn't sure. Evil or not, he was still someone who'd suffered as a result of my actions, and the events surrounding his death would stay with me forever. Collateral damage. I'd brought down a lot of people with me, intentionally or no. But, as Adrian's words continued sinking into me, one of them suddenly gave me pause. â€Å"Victim,' I said slowly. â€Å"That's the difference between you and me.' â€Å"Huh?' He'd been watching me closely while I'd considered the fates of my friends and was caught off guard now. â€Å"What are you talking about?' â€Å"You said you were a victim. That's why †¦ that's why ultimately, you and I aren't matched for each other. In spite of everything that's happened, I've never thought of myself that way. Being a victim means you're powerless. That you won't take action. Always †¦ always I've done something to fight for myself †¦ for others. No matter what.' I'd never seen such outrage on Adrian's face. â€Å"That's what you think of me? That I'm lazy? Powerless?' Not exactly. But I had a feeling that after this conversation, he would run off to the comfort of his cigarettes and alcohol and maybe whatever female company he could find. â€Å"No,' I said. â€Å"I think you're amazing. I think you're strong. But I don't think you've realized it–or learned how to use any of that.' And, I wanted to add, I wasn't the person who could inspire that in him. â€Å"This,' he said, moving toward the door, â€Å"was the last thing I expected. You destroy my life and then feed me inspirational philosophy.' I felt horrible, and it was one of those moments where I wished my mouth wouldn't just blurt out the first thing on my mind. I'd learned a lot of control–but not quite enough. â€Å"I'm just telling you the truth. You're better than this †¦ better than whatever it is you're going to do now.' Adrian rested his hand on the doorknob and gave me a rueful look. â€Å"Rose, I'm an addict with no work ethic who's likely going to go insane. I'm not like you. I'm not a superhero.' â€Å"Not yet,' I said. He scoffed, shook his head, and opened the door. Just before leaving, he gave me one more backward glance. â€Å"The contract's null and void, by the way.' I felt like I'd been slapped in the face. And in one of those rare moments, Rose Hathaway was rendered speechless. I had no witty quips, no elaborate explanations, and no profound insight. Adrian left, and I wondered if I'd ever see him again.

Rigoberta Menchs Book Scholarship Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

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